Cry Freedom Apartheid & Tragedy South Africa, Apr 4 | Video | egauteng.info
The relationship between Donald Woods and Steve Biko provided one Donald Woods, who cried for freedom, died on August 19th, aged Journalist, author, and anti-apartheid activist Donald Woods, a fifth-generation South African, was the Heritage believes the purpose of cable television is to bring a .. I was in Iceland couple of days Steve Biko has been. Biko [Donald Woods] on egauteng.info Because Steve Biko was uniquely a product of South Africa and its history it is necessary to give a short synopsis of that.
The clothes they wore, their demeanor when interacting with white people, and the music they listened to all portrayed confidence and pride in blackness. The young women involved in the Black Consciousness especially challenged the status quo with new styles by throwing away their skin-lightening creams and wigs and wearing their hair in natural Afros.
They also wore bold styles in clothing that pushed the boundaries of what was acceptable at the time, such as very tight pants. Some even smoked cigarettes in public. Female activists had to excel at male ways of debating to gain an influence in SASO. The students also held parties where young women were treated more as objects of sexual desire. For some, this means that women had more conservative roles in the movement; however, some women did gain leadership in the movement, especially in community projects where they challenged conventional gender roles.
The Broader Movement Before the state took action to suppress Black Consciousness, its influence had expanded beyond university campuses. With the spread of ideas and expansion of organizations linked to Black Consciousness, what began as a student organization grew into a movement with a broad, diffused impact that can be difficult to generalize about or trace precisely.
Cultural Movement The movement had cultural dimensions, linked in varying degrees to formal organizations. Black Consciousness ideas resonated with poets and theater groups in particular. Some worked directly with SASO.
Their plays, such as Black on White and Resurrection, examined what it meant to be black and oppressed in South Africa. Participants and playwrights such as Asha Rambally Moodley and Strinivasa Moodley joined Black Consciousness organizations, while others simply continued to use theater as a way to raise a critical awareness among black communities. Poets such as Oswald Mtshali, Mongane Wally Serote, Don Mattera, Mafika Pascal Gwala, and James Matthews, among others, similarly dealt with black oppression and sought to inspire hope in black self-determination with positive images and themes of resistance and redemption.
Black Consciousness promoted music with black themes and origins and influenced the outlook and material in Sowetan literary magazines, such as The Classic, New Classic, and Staffrider. Ecumenical organizations, Christian activists, and Black Consciousness adherents all influenced each other.
Activists worked closely with radical priests and ecumenical organizations, significantly putting these Christian ideals into action. The organization sought to coordinate among other agencies run by and in the black community and to conscientize black South Africans through publication projects that provided relevant news for black people and promoted a positive black identity.
The BCP eventually moved to run its own projects when activists working for the organization found themselves restricted to their home areas by banning orders in For example, it ran health clinics such as the Zanempilo Community Health Center in the Eastern Cape, managed cottage industries like the Njwaxa leatherwork factory also in the Eastern Cape, and opened resource centers at its regional offices.
It published a yearbook, Black Review. BCP publications encouraged black publishing in South Africa and became a trusted source of positive information in black communities. The BPC was launched in July and held its first national conference in December, where Winifred Kgware was elected as one its first president. The principal aim of the BPC was defined as fostering black political unity in the Black Consciousness sense in order to achieve psychological and physical liberation.
This included creating an egalitarian society, developing Black Theology, and condemning foreign countries working with the apartheid government, among other objectives. The BPC was the first black national political organization formed since and took a strong stance of non-participation in the apartheid system. Membership did not grow as rapidly or as widely as the BPC hoped. By the end ofthe BPC had forty-one branches. SASO and the BCP held youth leadership conferences or formation schools that engaged students in critical social analysis and taught organizational skills.
These meetings eventually led to the formation of regional youth organizations and the National Youth Organization NYO, formed in In Soweto, where student organizations had already been operating, SASO students and events in general helped spread Black Consciousness among high school students.
It was SASM that organized the June 16,Soweto student march against the use of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction that led to widespread uprisings. The student uprisings ofalong with other adult leaders who became involved in running community programs in Soweto such as Ramsey Ramokgopa and Oshadi Mangenaare evidence of the way Black Consciousness ideas changed South African thinking among different groups of people in various corners of the country.
Aware of the way the state cracked down on resistance in the early s, SASO leaders deliberately avoided confrontation with the state in order to evade crippling state action. Still, activists took care to nurture leadership so that replacements were ready to fill in positions if the police detained people in leadership roles. Initially, the state saw the formation of an exclusively black student organization as fitting with apartheid. However, it soon understood that Black Consciousness undermined the whole philosophy behind apartheid and increasingly bore down on the movement and its leaders.
Activists learned to outwit the police.
Steve Biko and the Black Consciousness Movement
Their youthful energy and audacity sustained their activity in this politically hostile environment. They also found hope in suffering at the hands of the state because they viewed it as a sacrifice that advanced South Africa closer to liberation. The university expelled Tiro. This sparked a number of black student strikes across the country.
This scattered activists throughout the country, although they found ways to continue their work. State repression of Black Consciousness activists intensified in the next few years, especially as activists took more overt action against the state.
A particularly important move in this direction was the pro-FRELIMO rallies held at the University of the North and in Durban in September to celebrate the liberation of a neighboring country from European colonialism and express their support for the people of Mozambique.
The minister of justice declared the rallies illegal just before they were to take place. Police did indeed break up the rallies using some violence. This led to further arrests and detentions of activists and a publicized court case that essentially put Black Consciousness on trial State v. Nine men were tried and convicted of encouraging racial hostility. Police harassment, detentions, and bannings spiked again after the student uprisings and continued into This took a toll on the lives of many activists.
Detentions put a psychological strain on individuals and their families, and increasingly brutal torture inflicted physical damage. Four Black Consciousness activists died between and as a result of the actions of South African security forces: Mthuli ka Shezi was pushed onto a train track inTiro was letter-bombed in Botswana inMapetla Mohapi SASO organizer was killed in the Kei Road police station inand Biko died at the hands of the security police in Steve Biko Bantu Stephen Biko, the most prominent figure of the Black Consciousness movement, was not the only student, thinker, writer, and community project director in the movement, but he did play a significant role in forming SASO, spreading the Black Consciousness philosophy, and running and advising the BPC, among other informal roles.
His charismatic personality drew people to him.
His death at the hands of the South African security police thus had significant repercussions for the Black Consciousness movement and made him a famous martyr. This kind of community involvement and devotion influenced each of her children in their chosen professions later in life.
The Ginsberg community was a small but racially and economically diverse and vibrant community in the s and s. There were also a number of sports clubs. Although the community had politically involved people, Biko himself was not interested in politics as a young boy.
His siblings, friends, and classmates remember him as being a highly capable student but one who was very playful and sociable. His academic achievements won him support from his community, which organized a bursary for him to join his older brother at the Lovedale Institution to finish high school when he was sixteen years old. This experience politicized Biko.
His schooling had also been interrupted, leaving him at home to think while his peers busied themselves with school work. Inhe continued his schooling at St. There he further distinguished himself as an outstanding student and questioned authorities and their Christian beliefs. He also held stimulating intellectual debates about African independence with other students.
Donald Woods - Wikipedia
There Steve interacted with black people of various backgrounds and began to play a role in student politics at the university. It is through these student networks that he began working with other students such as Pityana to start SASO. He traveled around the country with Pityana and others to persuade students at black colleges and universities to join SASO and to explain the Black Consciousness philosophy.
His room at the medical school residency served as the SASO office. Former friends and activists remember Biko as one who enabled others, rather than seeking leadership roles. He also continued to find joy in his associations with people—of all racial backgrounds—mixing intellectual and political conversations with his socializing.
He was known for his demanding work ethic as well as his ability to hold his drink. During his time in Durban he met and married a nursing student, Nontsikelelo Ntsiki Mashalaba, with whom he had two sons, Nkosinathi b. Biko loved his family and spending time with his children; however, he did not put boundaries on his romantic and sexual relationships with women. It was also during his time in Durban that Biko met and worked with Ramphele, with whom he had a long-standing affair.
He and Ramphele had a daughter, Lerato who lived for two months inand a son, Hlumelo b. Biko had affairs with a number of other women as well.
Yet Biko seems to have been unwilling or unable to resolve the controversies and pain he caused through this behavior before his death. While he worked well with many women as colleagues and fellow activists, he at times struggled to concede that traditional gender roles could change.
This led to his employment by Khoapa as a field officer for the BCP, his only official employment ever. In Durban, he worked on coordinating among various black organizations and on producing the Black Review. Inhis banning sent him back to Ginsberg. This changed his work and the direction of the BCP. He also continued to be involved politically, despite constant police surveillance and attempts to arrest and detain him, and started studying for a law degree by correspondence.
Even when he was further restricted by the government from working officially for the BCP inhe continued to advise on the projects and political matters.
The BPC even elected him as an honorary president in to give him authority to cultivate unity among the various black political groups in the country at the time. Working against the apartheid security forces was a challenge, especially when Biko felt isolated and watched his fellow activists and friends suffer. But Biko also found ways to circumvent police surveillance and to challenge their authority.
He was detained, arrested, and accused several times though never convicted. He also famously befriended Donald Woods, the white East London Daily Dispatch newspaper editor, which gave the movement inroads into the media and other networks. Biko continued to work on unifying the various black groups even under his banning orders. The last trip he took outside of his restricted banning area led him to Cape Town with fellow activist Peter Jones on August 17,to meet with various people including Black Consciousness activists as well as Neville Alexander of the Unity Movement.
The meetings never materialized. Fearing negative repercussions if they stayed too long, Jones and Biko turned back the next day. They were stopped at a roadblock just outside of Grahamstown. A problem with opening the trunk of the car they had borrowed made the police suspicious. When the police found out they had detained two leaders of the Black Consciousness movement, they arrested the two and sent them to security police headquarters in Port Elizabeth.
Biko and Jones suffered physical torture at the hands of the security police. On September 6, the police took their physical beatings of Biko too far. Instead of providing medical treatment, the police chained him to a gate in a standing position. They only called in a district surgeon the next day.
Despite evidence of brain damage, the police kept Biko naked and chained up in his cell until his conditioned worsened. On September, the police loaded Biko naked into the back of a police van and drove him through the night to Pretoria Central Prison for medical care. He was pronounced dead there on September 12, At first the government said Biko had died of a hunger strike.
As a boy Woods had extensive regular contact with the Bomvana people. He spoke fluent Xhosa and Afrikaansas well as his mother tongue, English. Woods and his brother, Harland, were sent to the Christian Brothers College in Kimberley in the predominantly Afrikaner Northern Cape for their secondary education. The school was academically rigorous, and the Irish Christian Brothers had a reputation for neutrality on questions of politics.
While Woods was away at school, the National Party came to power in and began to build the apartheid structure. When he started his law course at the University of Cape Town inWoods supported government policies that separated the races, but was wary of the heavy hand of the Afrikaner National Party. During his legal studies he started to question the separatist views he grew up with, becoming politically active in the Federal Party, which rejected apartheid and drew its support from liberal English-speaking whites.
Woods spent two years as a legal apprentice, with the goal of becoming a barristerbut gravitated toward journalism.
Just as he was about to embark on his career as a journalist, the year-old Woods was approached by the Federal Party to run for a seat in parliament. His campaign was unsuccessful, and he went back to his job as a cub reporter for the Daily Dispatch newspaper in East London. For two years during the late s, he honed his skills as a journalist by writing and sub-editing for various newspapers in England and Wales.
It was while working in Wales that he developed a love and respect for the Welsh people that endured all his life. While working on the Western MailCardiff, Woods became friends with colleague Glyn Williams, who later joined him on the Daily Dispatch and eventually became editor himself.
Before returning to South Africa, he served as a correspondent for London's now defunct Daily Heraldtravelling throughout the eastern and southern United States, eventually arriving in Little Rock, Arkansaswhere he filed stories comparing U. Woods went back to work at the Dispatch and married Wendy Bruce, whom he had known since they were teenagers in their hometown. They had six children: Their fourth son, Lindsay, born incontracted meningitis and died just before his first birthday.
The family had settled into a comfortable life in East Londonand in Februaryat the age of 31, Woods rose to the position of editor-in-chief of the Daily Dispatch which held an anti-apartheid editorial policy.
As editor, Woods expanded the readership of the Dispatch to include Afrikaans-speakers as well as black readers in nearby Transkei and Ciskei. Woods integrated the editorial staff and flouted apartheid policies by seating black, white, and coloured reporters in the same work-area.
Additionally, he favored hiring reporters who had had experience working overseas. Woods had several scrapes with the South African Security Police regarding editorial matters and on numerous occasions ruffled the feathers of Prime Minister B.
Vorster in frank, face-to-face exchanges regarding the content of Dispatch editorials. Woods found himself tiptoeing around, and sometimes directly challenging, the increasingly restrictive government policies enacted to control the South African press.
A young black woman, Dr Mamphela Rampheleberated Woods for writing misleading stories about the movement, challenging him to meet with Biko.
The two men became friends, leading the Security Police to monitor Woods's movements. Nevertheless, Woods continued to provide political support to Biko, both through writing editorials in his newspaper and controversially hiring black journalists to the Daily Dispatch. On 16 Junean uprising broke out in Sowetoin which predominantly to year-old students from Soweto participated in a march to protest against being taught in Afrikaans and against the Bantu Education system in general.
The police ordered the children to disperse, and when they refused the police opened fire, killing scores and by some estimates, hundreds  of them. As the children pelted the police with stones, South Africa went up in flames.
The government responded by banning the entire Black Consciousness Movement along with many other political organisations, as well as issuing banning orders against various persons. Donald Woods was one of the banned persons and was effectively placed under house arrest.
He was killed on September