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the research of the rela- tionship between family poverty experienced during child- . often the effect sizes in such studies suggest that it would take substantial income compared American Indian to non-American Indian fam- ilies, wherein. study also contains a decomposition analysis of the movement in inequality and poverty rates. The decomposition is done both between family types and between social groups. economic circumstances and in their household size and composition, .. rates (N) in relation to the real expenditure poverty rates (R ) that is. Wikimedia Commons has media related to Poverty in India. From poverty to empowerment: India's imperative for jobs, growth.
As global economic growth has stalled, demographers and economists have been examining more closely the role played by rapid population growth in explaining the differences between countries that are reducing poverty and those that are not. Such efforts may help to identify the policies and program interventions that are most likely to reduce the numbers of people worldwide who are extremely impoverished.
In Sub-Saharan Africa, the region with the most rapid rate of annual population growth and the lowest level of contraceptive practice, there appears to have been no progress at all in reducing the level of dire poverty: The proportion of Africans living on less than one dollar per day did not change at all between and Two other regions with the same rapid rate of population increase and similar levels of contraceptive use—the Middle East and North Africa, and South Asia—have widely differing rates of economic growth.
As a result, between andthe number of people living on less than one dollar per day declined in the first region and increased in the second. The AIDS epidemic has further complicated the task of interpreting data on poverty trends, particularly in hard-hit countries in Africa. AIDS has reversed many of the gains in life expectancy in those countries, but it has also slowed population growth substantially.
Additionally, because AIDS mortality is concentrated in the working ages and has been killing many trained people teachers, for examplethe epidemic is undermining those countries' poverty reduction efforts. The peak of infection occurs among young adults.
They have children, of whom some become infected and die, but most live on as AIDS orphans and are exposed to the same risks when they reach young adulthood. At the end of the 18th century, Thomas Malthus and his followers argued that high fertility and poverty went hand in hand. Malthus himself, focusing on the impoverishing effects of scarce land and rising food prices, urged couples not to marry and have children unless they could afford to support them.
They argued that because high birthrates create large numbers of children relative to the number of working adults, savings that might otherwise be invested in the country's infrastructure and development instead must be diverted to meeting the immediate food, health care, housing and education needs of growing numbers of children and adolescents.
This prevents countries and families from making the longer-term investments needed to help lift them out of poverty. Using this argument, neo-Malthusians played a key role during the s and s in efforts to mobilize the world's wealthy developed countries to provide financial aid to support government-administered family planning programs in developing countries.
Through such international assistance policies, governments and nongovernmental organizations in developing countries with rapid rates of population growth received support that enabled them to develop or expand access to family planning services. Economists were quick to point out that even if high fertility and high proportions of the population living in poverty were correlated, this correlation would not imply causality.
In fact, the relationship could run in the opposite direction: Poverty could be the cause of high fertility. Poor people often want more children because children represent wealth, provide household labor and are the only form of social security available to parents in their old age. Furthermore, economists questioned whether reduced rates of population growth actually have positive effects on savings and investment.
They pointed out that even though the population in developing regions doubled between andthis had not prevented many countries in those regions from raising overall living standards.
Byfew economists believed that the population factor mattered. In the view of such skeptics, decisions about family size and reproduction are a private issue, and contraceptive practice is a "private good" whose supply is better left to market forces than to government bureaucrats.
Unempowered women are often unable to act on their own behalf to obtain contraceptive services to regulate their childbearing; they are also the group most likely to believe that bearing many children will provide a bulwark against poverty in their old age.
This points to the urgent need to improve women's education and job prospects if they are to assume greater control over their lives and move out of poverty. Programs that combine social and economic development and family planning services for poor women encourage them to have fewer children and thereby enhance their prospects of achieving a different, less-dependent kind of life.
New paper: Fertility, household size and poverty in Nepal | NHH
Such programs also provide women with the tools they need to attain those two goals. Recent research has looked at the linkages between population growth and economic growth at different stages of the transition from high to lower fertility. When fertility is high, the proportion of the population made up of children and teenagers is large relative to the share made up of working adults. This is called the age-dependency effect. As fertility rates drop, the ratio of potential workers people aged to nonworkers people 14 or younger and people aged 65 and older rises, meaning that more workers are responsible for fewer children.
The reduction in the ratio of youthful dependents to working-age adults should enable countries to increase their stocks of physical and human capital schools and well-trained teachers, health care facilities and well-trained health workers, and modern communications networks and well-trained workers to staff them.
However, opening a demographic window of opportunity does not guarantee a surge in economic growth. For one thing, it is temporary, because low fertility will eventually increase the proportion of another dependent group—the population made up of older people who are no longer working.
The intensity of the age-structure effect depends on the speed with which the transition to low fertility takes place. It also depends on countries' pursuing sound economic and social policies, to enable the large wave of potential workers to acquire skills and find productive employment. When this happens, as it did in countries like South Korea and Taiwan, a temporary surge in the accumulation of physical and human capital contributes to a rapid rise in living standards.
Research on the effects of rapid fertility decline in Latin America raises some cautionary signs. Economic growth has been slower in Latin America than it was in East Asia in the s, in part because of the failure of countries in this region to invest as much in education, especially for the poor.
Moreover, economic policies in these countries were less conducive to the creation of productive employment for the working-age population.
Similar policy failures in South Asia raise the prospect that India and Bangladesh, which are now moving into the later stages of their transitions to low fertility, may not benefit at all from the favorable demographic conditions created by those transitions.
There have been noted disparities in both Asia and Africa between rural and urban areas in terms of the allocation of public education and health services. A similar trend is found in access to neonatal care, as those living in rural areas had far less access to care than their urban counterparts.
There are also far more malnourished children in rural areas of Africa than in urban areas. In Zimbabwefor example, more than twice the share of children are malnourished in rural areas 34 percent rate of malnourishment than in urban areas 15 percent rate of malnourishment. Inequality between urban and rural areas, and where rural poverty is most prevalent, is in countries where the adult population has the lowest amount of education. This was found in the Sahelian countries of Burkina FasoMali and Niger where regional inequality is 33 percent, In each of these countries, more than 74 percent of the adults have no education.
Population and Poverty: New Views on an Old Controversy
Overall, in much of Africa, those living in rural areas experience more poverty and less access to health care and education. Policies to combat rural poverty[ edit ] Land reform[ edit ] Access to land can alleviate rural poverty by providing households a productive and relatively reliable way to make an income.
Achieving legislative reform and implementing redistributive policies, however, is a difficult task in many countries because land ownership is a sensitive cultural and political issue. Yet in China, for example, land redistribution policies have found some success and are associated with a reduction in rural poverty and increased agricultural growth.
It also involves allowing women to have separate tenancy rights and granting women the right to claim an equal share of family land and resources upon divorceabandonment, widowhoodand for inheritance purposes. Bangladesh[ edit ] Improved infrastructure in Bangladesh increased agricultural production by 32 percent through its effect on prices and access to inputs and technology.
Moreover, because of increased mobility among rural households, a rise in access to social services was noted, as well as an increase in overall health. The most effective innovations are based on the active participation of small farmers, who are involved in both defining the problems and implementing and evaluating solutions.
Smallholder technological developments have focused on processes such as nutrient recycling, integrated pest management, integration of crop agriculture and livestock, use of inland and marine water sources, soil conservation, and use of genetic engineering and biotechnology to reduce fertilizer requirements.
Access to credit[ edit ] Providing access to credit and financial services provides an entry point to improve rural productivity as well as stimulating small-scale trading and manufacturing. Increased credit helps expand markets to rural areas, thus promoting rural development. The ability to acquire credit also combats systems of bonded or exploitative labor by encouraging self-employment. Credit policy is most effective when provided in conjunction with other services such as technology and marketing training.
Diversification[ edit ] Agricultural diversification can provide rural families with higher income and greater food security. Policies related to diversification have also focused on crop rotation to increase productivity, as well as improving the production of traditional food crops such as cassava, cowpeas, plantains, and bananas rather than promoting the growth of more precarious cash crops.
These crops tend to be at the core of farming systems among the rural poor and are generally more drought resistant and can survive under poor soil conditions.
Improving the productivity and marketing of these crops promotes food and income security among rural households. Requirements are based on knowledge and expertise of practice and that all nurses work within their scope of practice. The CNO is responsible for providing quality care to the public including making healthcare accessible. Barriers to Accessing Health Care[ edit ] For those living in rural Canada, they may face various challenges when trying to access health care.
Difficulties which rural areas experience when accessing health care include long distances between health services, lack of transportation, increase amount of elderly, fewer health care providersand limited awareness of resources available. Transportation is a significant factor that is a barrier to accessing health care. In rural areas an individual may have to travel great distances to seek medical attention, road quality may be very poor, weather conditions effecting driving, and rural areas seldom have access to public transportation.
A large percentage of people over 65 have a number of comorbiditiesand need regular visits to a family doctor, the cost of regular transportation to a healthcare provider can be substantial. For many living in rural poverty, financial difficulties impede a person from being able to own a vehicle. Although the Canada Health Act provides everyone with access to health care without financial obligation, people of lower socioeconomic status typically had lower education level and were less likely to seek medical advice from a health care professional.
Individuals at risk for living in poverty are those with mental health issues, disabilitiessingle mothers, individuals suffering from addictionand immigrants unable to speak English. The individuals seeking the assistance are left to cope on their own. Community donations and volunteers play a large role in community support remaining open to the public in rural setting.
Physician Accessibility[ edit ] The Canadian public feel that accessing health care is perceived as poor, people wait longer periods of time to see physicians. These dynamics should be taken into account in population control policies.
Our study shows that having less children means that parents can expect to host more relatives, and more adults in the longer run. If hosting relatives is the best old age support that parents can hope for, then the quantity of children is, on average, not the best old age insurance. See all publications from FAIR Succession system and labour per land unit The finding is consistent with two potential mechanisms: Richer data, combining this approach with precise information on the history of household level shocks, would allow to precisely separate the extensive from the intensive margin in the relation.
This difference may actually have important consequences in terms of poverty and environmental impact. First, we show that it is not reasonable to expect a surge in consumption per capita in households with fewer children, at least once mothers have completed their fertility. Second, numerous goods are public at the household level, from primary consumption goods such as a common roof or heating, to more complex products such as insurance arrangements.
They benefit more members in larger households and do increase the average consumption per capita in a way that is hard to measure. Third, the complexity of the household structure raises more specifically the question of the income and consumption distribution between household members.
Fourth, public bads and pollution are prominent at the household rather than individual level.